Turcica

In memoriam Ir�ne M�likoff (1917-2009)

poj@peeters-leuven.be — Wed, 05 Aug 2009 11:04:27 GMT

Obituary

A Sufi Saint as City Founder

poj@peeters-leuven.be — Wed, 05 Aug 2009 11:09:40 GMT

In this article, a story of a Sufi shaykh who settled in today�s Seydişehir, a town in the Central Anatolia, in the early fourteenth century, will be analyzed in the light of a hagiographical work written by one of his descendants in the mid-sixteenth century. The hagiographical work entitled the Mak�l�t-i Seyyid H�r�n presents its hero, i.e. Seyyid Harun (d. 1320), as a founder of a city as a result of divine inspiration during the shaykh�s stay at his homeland, Khorasan. The question of why this hagiographical work was written more than two centuries after the death of Seyyid Harun will be analyzed in the light of other contemporary texts written by other Sufi authors. Since the text was written within the borders of the Province of Karaman of the Ottoman Empire, analogies will be drawn with other shaykhs who came from the Central Asia and settled within the Karamanoğlu principality.

Dans cet article, l�histoire d�un saint soufi qui v�cut � Seydişehir, une ville dans le centre de l�Anatolie au d�but du XIVe si�cle, sera analys�e � la lumi�re d�un travail hagiographique �crit par l�un de ses descendants, au milieu du XVIe si�cle. Ce travail, Mak�l�t-i Seyyid H�r�n, pr�sente son h�ros, Seyyid Harun (mort en 1320) comme le fondateur d�une ville r�sultant d�une inspiration divine pendant le s�jour du cheikh dans son pays natal, le Khorasan. La question de savoir pourquoi ce travail hagiographique a �t� �crit plus de deux si�cles apr�s la mort de Seyyid Harun sera analys�e � la lumi�re de textes contemporains �crits par d�autres auteurs soufis. Puisque le texte fut �crit � l�int�rieur des fronti�res de la province de Karaman, dans l�Empire ottoman, des comparaisons seront faites avec d�autres cheikhs venus d�Asie centrale et install�s � l�int�rieur de cette m�me principaut�.

Prostitution in Ottoman Istanbul, Late Sixteenth - Early Eighteenth Century

poj@peeters-leuven.be — Wed, 05 Aug 2009 11:13:18 GMT

Prostitution, although richly documented in Ottoman archival and narrative sources, has been little studied by scholars insofar. The issue is further complicated by the difficult distinction between cases of professional prostitution and simple adultery in the judicial registers. This article seeks to gather both archival and other material concerning 16th-18th century Istanbul in order to collect some information on the reasons that could turn a girl into a prostitute, the type of people that were the prostitutes� customers, pimping and procuring. Four patterns of prostitution have been detected, namely a prostitute procuring herself in her house, poorer girls who hang out in taverns or streets, pimps who use their own homes as brothels, and slave-traders who rent out concubines. Finally, one cannot neglect male prostitution, which however is much more poorly documented in archival sources.

La prostitution dans la soci�t� ottomane constitue un sujet peu �tudi� par les historiens. Le sujet se r�v�le plus compliqu� encore si l�on envisage la distinction entre prostitution professionnelle et simple adult�re dans les registres judiciaires. Cet article rassemble � la fois des informations provenant des sources narratives et des archives juridiques d�Istanbul, de la fin du XVIe jusqu�au d�but du XVIIIe si�cle, afin d��claircir des questions comme les raisons qui pouvaient pousser une fille vers la prostitution, la client�le des prostitu�es ou leurs prox�n�tes. On peut d�tecter quatre formes de prostitution∞: la prostitu�e qui utilise sa propre maison, la fille plus pauvre qui se prostitue dans la rue ou dans des tavernes, des maquereaux ou des maquerelles qui utilisent leurs maisons comme bordels, et des marchands d�esclaves qui louent des concubines. Enfin, on ne peut pas ignorer la prostitution masculine, quoiqu�elle soit moins bien document�e dans les archives juridiques.

About the Fiscal Status of the Greek Orthodox Church in the 17th Century

poj@peeters-leuven.be — Wed, 05 Aug 2009 11:17:17 GMT

While this is not the case for the 16th and 18th centuries, the 17th century is inadequately documented concerning the Greek Orthodox Church taxation system. This century is however of a crucial importance for the study of the changes that occurred in the taxation system between the 16th and the 18th centuries. The present article analyses the 17th century extant sources and combines them with those from the other centuries. From this study we can infer that a change happened at the very end of the 16th century. Due to the financial crisis and the growing need for military supplies, the State changed the annual tax of the Patriarchate into a substitute amount for the meat supply of the imperial gardeners corps. At the same period, precisely at the beginning of the second decade of the century, Mount Athos had to pay a similar tax in addition to the annual maktu tax paid to the State since the 15th century. Thus the taxation of the hierarchically subordinate establishment was increased by the higher establishment as well as the former�s contribution to the payment of the latter.

Le XVIIe si�cle est insuffisamment document� en ce qui concerne le syst�me d�imposition de l�Eglise orthodoxe grecque, alors que ce n�est pas le cas pour les XVIe et XVIIIe si�cles. Ce si�cle est pourtant d�une importance cruciale en ce qui concerne l��tude des changements apparus dans le syst�me d�imposition entre XVIe et XVIIIe si�cles. Cet article analyse les sources du XVIIe si�cle qui existent encore et les combine � celles des autres si�cles. De cette �tude nous pouvons d�duire qu�un changement est survenu � l�extr�me fin du XVIe. En raison de la crise financi�re et des demandes croissantes pour l�approvisionnement de l�arm�e, l�Etat modifie la taxe annuelle du Patriarcat et la remplace par un montant destin� � l�approvisionnement en viande du corps des jardiniers imp�riaux. A la m�me p�riode, pr�cis�ment au d�but de la seconde d�cennie de ce si�cle, le Mont Athos dut payer une taxe similaire en suppl�ment de la taxe annuelle maktu, pay�e � l�Etat depuis le XVe. Ainsi la taxation de l��tablissement hi�rarchiquement subordonn� fut augment�e par l��tablissement sup�rieur, ainsi que la contribution du premier au paiement du second.

Jarres, terrailles, fa�ences et porcelaines europ�ennes dans l'Empire ottoman (XVIIIe-XIXe si�cles)

poj@peeters-leuven.be — Wed, 05 Aug 2009 11:21:19 GMT

Si les donn�es livr�es par les fouilles arch�ologiques sont encore insuffisantes pour obtenir une image pr�cise du n�goce de la vaisselle dans l�Empire ottoman aux XVIIIe et XIXe si�cles, les documents statistiques, les rapports des Expositions universelles, les textes consulaires, les �entr�es� et les �sorties� des grands ports m�diterran�ens ainsi que les archives des manufactures europ�ennes permettent de rep�rer les pays producteurs, d�appr�hender les volumes et les prix des c�ramiques commercialis�es, de conna�tre les ports d�embarquement, de transit et de d�barquement, et de pr�ciser les modes de diffusion. � partir de l�exploitation de ces archives commerciales, la pr�sence, sur les territoires de la Sublime Porte � en Turquie d�Europe et d�Asie, dans les �les de l�Eg�e � de fa�ences fines, de porcelaines mais aussi de simples terres cuites produites dans les fabriques d'Europe, aux XVIIIe et XIXe si�cles, prend une toute autre ampleur. Contrairement � ce que les d�couvertes de terrain laissent croire, le commerce de la vaisselle europ�enne sur ces territoires n�est pas marginal, ce sont en fait des volumes importants qui sont import�s d�Europe.

While the data resulting from archaeological excavations are still insufficient to get a precise idea of the pottery trade in the XVIIIth and XIXth century Ottoman empire, statistics, international exhibitions records, consular documents, the number of boats coming in and moving out of the chief Mediterranean ports, as well as records of European fabrics, enable us to locate the producing countries, evaluate the bulk and the price of the commercialised ceramics, to know which were the shipping, transit, and unloading ports and to specify the diffusion modes of these goods. Through the study of these commercial records it can be seen that the existence in the Porte territories �European and Asiatic Turkey, Aegean Islands� of delicate faience, chinaware, but also simple earthenware produced in European fabrics in the XVIIIth and XIXth century is quite important. Contrary to what we could be led to believe through the discoveries made on the spot, the trade of European crockery in these countries was in no means marginal, and as a matter of fact a great bulk of these goods was imported from Europe.

Imported Pottery in Ottoman Bilad al-Sham

poj@peeters-leuven.be — Wed, 05 Aug 2009 11:44:04 GMT

This article presents archaeological and textual evidence for the importation of glazed pottery into Bilad al-Sham (Greater Syria) from the 18th to the early 20th century. The chronological and spatial distribution patterns of the ceramics are correlated with data from primary written sources. The results are compared with those of the late Mamluk and early Ottoman phases (c.1450-1700). It is argued that from the late 18th century the increasing volumes of European glazed wares exported to the Middle East affected the tastes of consumers in both urban and rural areas. Unable to compete with the cheap European porcelains and ironstone wares, glazed pottery production declined significantly throughout Bilad al-Sham in the last decades of the 19th century.

Cet article pr�sente des indications textuelles et arch�ologiques concernant l�importation de poteries � gla�ure dans le Bilad al-Sham (Grande Syrie) du XVIIIe au d�but du XXe si�cle. L��tude de la r�partition chronologique et spatiale des c�ramiques est mise en corr�lation avec les donn�es fournies par les sources primaires �crites. Les r�sultats sont compar�s � ceux de l��poque mamelouke tardive et du d�but de l��poque ottomane (c.1450-1700). Il est d�montr� que le volume croissant de c�ramiques � gla�ure d�origine europ�enne export�es vers le Moyen-Orient a eu, d�s la fin du XVIIIe si�cle, une incidence sur les go�ts des consommateurs tant en ville qu�� la campagne. Ne pouvant faire concurrence aux porcelaines et �ironstones� bon march� en provenance d�Europe et livr�s dans les ports du littoral syrien, la production de c�ramiques � gla�ure dans le Bilad al-Sham d�clina au cours des derni�res d�cennies du XIXe si�cle.

La fuite, le retour et la rature

poj@peeters-leuven.be — Wed, 05 Aug 2009 11:50:05 GMT

La question pos�e ici est celle des conditions d�une histoire provinciale de l�Empire ottoman. Un cas d��tude est privil�gi�: celui de Chypre au milieu du XIXe si�cle. Au cours des ann�es 1820, d�cennie marqu�e par l�insurrection et l�ind�pendance grecques, divers mouvements de fuite, parfois massifs, semblent avoir touch� la population chypriote. Le pr�sent article s�interroge sur les comptes rendus qu�en proposent les sources ottomanes et consulaires disponibles, contemporaines ou ult�rieures; ce faisant, il met en �vidence le �style provincial� qui dans ces documents affecte (jusqu�� l�oblit�ration pure et simple) le r�cit de certains �v�nements, au premier rang desquels le soul�vement hell�ne. Chercher � comprendre les tenants et aboutissants d�un tel style, c�est poser la question de la mani�re dont les administrateurs ottomans d�alors appr�hendaient (ou non) l�enjeu du nationalisme; c�est aussi, indirectement, revisiter les partitions temporelles instaur�es ult�rieurement par l�historiographie de ce m�me nationalisme.

What would a provincial history of the Ottoman Empire look like? Such is the question dwelt upon here, with an emphasis on the case study of mid-nineteenth-century Cyprus. During the decade of the Greek insurrection and independence, several flight movements, some of them massive, seem to have affected the population of the island. The present study scrutinizes how period sources (both of Ottoman and consular origins) accounted for this phenomenon. In many a document, as it turns out, the recounting of related events �such as the Greek uprising� is steeped in a 'provincial style' which sometimes verges on the sheer obliteration of what took place. Our understanding of this style hinges on the question of whether Ottoman administrators could apprehend the political portent of nationalist movements; it also prompts us to revisit the periodizations and divide lines established by later, scholarly interpretations of the 'age of nationalism' in the Ottoman Mediterranean.

�l�ments pour une exploitation globale de l'�uvre de Vital Cuinet

poj@peeters-leuven.be — Wed, 05 Aug 2009 11:55:36 GMT

Le c�l�bre ouvrage de g�ographie administrative de l�Empire ottoman publi� par Vital Cuinet au cours des ann�es 1890 est souvent cit� pour ses donn�es ponctuelles mais il n�a jamais �t� exploit� de mani�re globale. Cet article constitue une premi�re �tape sur cette voie. Il pose les premiers jalons d�un atlas de g�ographie r�trospective de l�ensemble des provinces asiatiques de l�Empire � la fin du XIXe si�cle. Il s�agit de croiser les donn�es publi�es � travers quelques 3900 pages de texte avec une restitution cartographique des d�coupages administratifs les plus fins. Apr�s une pr�sentation du contexte dans lequel cette publication est pr�par�e, on examine la documentation cartographique et les donn�es d�mographiques publi�es par V. Cuinet. Cet examen montre l�importance des zones d�ombre documentaires qui continuent de planer sur l�Empire � la fin du XIXe si�cle mais aussi que l�auteur n�a d�lib�r�ment pas livr� toutes les clefs d�exploitation de son travail. De facto l�atlas envisag� sera incomplet.

The famous work of administrative geography of the Ottoman Empire published by Vital Cuinet in the 1890�s is often cited for its punctual data but has never been exploited in a global manner. This article consists of a first step along this path. It prepares the ground for a retrospective geographical atlas of the whole of the Asian provinces of the Empire in the late 19th century. It aims to cross data published along 3 900 pages of texts with a restitution of the finest mapped out administrative sectorings. After a presentation of the context in which this publication is prepared, we examine the cartographic documentation and the demographic data published by V. Cuinet. This analysis reveals the numerous grey areas in documentation which continue to hang over the Empire at the end of the 19th century, but also that the author has purposely retained some of the keys which would enable the exploitation of his work. De facto the atlas which is envisaged will be incomplete.

Bektashis in 20th Century Greece

poj@peeters-leuven.be — Wed, 05 Aug 2009 11:59:19 GMT

In the area defined today as Greece, during the late Ottoman period there was a significant presence of Bektashi communities. This study, using concepts, methods and tools from the fields of history, social anthropology and political sciences, based on field research and synthesising mostly Greek bibliographical information and data mainly from local history, aims at (re)constructing the historical and social framework in which the Bektashis acted in Greece and at describing the main architectural vestiges along with the history of the communities, as well as the Bektashi relations with the surrounding communities, focusing on those which still existed and maintained some kind of life during the 20th century. It concludes with remarks on the influence the evolution of the Greek-Turkish and the Greek-Albanian relations had on the Bektashi communities and with comments on the old and new Bektashi networks in Greece.

Dans l�espace aujourd�hui d�fini comme la Gr�ce, pendant la p�riode ottomane tardive, il y eut une pr�sence significative des communaut�s bektachies. Cette �tude, utilisant les concepts, m�thodes et outils des champs de l�histoire, de l�anthropologie sociale et des sciences politiques, bas�e sur une recherche de terrain et synth�tisant la plupart des donn�es et informations bibliographiques grecques, principalement celles de l�histoire locale, vise � (re)construire le cadre historique et social dans lequel les Bektachis agirent en Gr�ce et � d�crire les principaux vestiges architecturaux et l�histoire des communaut�s, ainsi que les relations des Bektachis avec les communaut�s environnantes, en insistant sur celles qui existent encore et ont maintenu une certaine vie pendant le XXe si�cle. Elle conclut par des remarques sur l�influence que l��volution des relations gr�co-turques et albano-grecques eurent sur les communaut�s bektachies et par des commentaires sur les anciens et nouveaux r�seaux bektachis en Gr�ce.

La statistique du suicide en Turquie

poj@peeters-leuven.be — Wed, 05 Aug 2009 12:02:59 GMT

L��volution du suicide en Turquie est mal connue hors des fronti�res, la statistique nationale n��tant pas publi�e par l�OMS. L��tude de ces donn�es, que l�on peut contr�ler par une riche litt�rature �pid�miologique, met au jour des relations significatives entre la soci�t� turque et le taux de suicide: pays musulman, int�gr� � la fois par la religion et la lutte collective pour la vie quotidienne, la Turquie conna�t des taux de suicide tr�s bas. Mais, en relation avec le d�veloppement acc�l�r� du pays, depuis un demi-si�cle, le taux de suicide est orient� � la hausse. Le ph�nom�ne le plus sp�cifique est la relative force du suicide f�minin, sp�cialement aux �ges jeunes et dans les r�gions orientales. En cela, la Turquie partage les probl�mes de toutes les soci�t�s asiatiques virilocales: les progr�s de l�individualisme rendent parfois insupportable la soumission aux normes du groupe familial.

As national statistics are not published by WHO, the evolution of suicide in Turkey is not well known beyond the borders of the country. The study of these data, that can be checked thanks to a rich epidemiological literature, highlights significative connexions between Turkish society and the suicide rate. Turkey being a Muslim country with a strong integration both through religion and a collective struggle for daily life has a very low suicide rate. However following the fast development of the country this past half century, the suicide rate tends to grow. The most specific phenomenon is the relative importance of feminine suicide, particularly young women, and in the eastern regions. Therein Turkey shares this problem with all Asiatic virilocal societies: with the development of individualism, submission to the norms of the family group becomes unbearable.

Mehmed II and the Historians

poj@peeters-leuven.be — Wed, 05 Aug 2009 12:10:45 GMT

The present paper sets out to explore at length some of the major historiographical problems revealed by a close reading of the reception by the scholarly world of Franz Babinger�s Mehmed der Eroberer in the half-century from its publication in 1953 to the first appearance of a translation in Turkish half a century later. After a short Introduction (I), the paper initially points up (II) the biographic and historiographic parallels and divergences between Babinger�s treatment of Mehemmed II as a ruler, and that of his contemporaries Paul Wittek and Ernst Kantorowicz in their approach to Mehemmed II and to the medieval emperor Friedrich II. Particular attention is paid (III) to the numerous (and largely uncritical) German-language reviews of the original work and to the response, largely critical, of Turkish historians to the book (IV), and (V) of Babinger himself to his own critics, as well as to the more nuanced reception accorded in the late 1970s to the long-delayed English translation (VI). Attention is also paid (VII) to the controversial problem of the �non-appearing� second (supplementary) volume of references and the exact nature of Babinger�s relationship to his sources in the non-footnoted Mehmed der Eroberer. In section VIII an attempt is made to explain the essentially flawed picture of Mehemmed II which emerges from a reading of Babinger�s book by exploring the personal experiences of the historian, particularly during his military service in World War I, which may have contributed to a certain lack of balance in his work. Two final sections (IX, X) recapitulate and sum up the arguments offered in the paper concerning Babinger and his work and discuss his intellectual legacy.

Cet article a pour objet d�explorer dans le d�tail quelques-uns des grands probl�mes historiographiques qui se r�v�lent � la lecture attentive de la r�ception, de la part du monde savant, du livre de Franz Babinger intitul� Mehmed der Eroberer (Mahomet le Conqu�rant), dans le demi-si�cle qui s�est �coul�, depuis sa parution en 1953 jusqu�� sa premi�re traduction en turc en 2002. Apr�s une courte Introduction (I), des observations pr�liminaires (II) abordent les parall�les et les divergences biographiques et historiographiques entre Babinger et ses contemporains Paul Wittek et Ernst Kantorowicz dans leurs traitements tr�s diff�rents de Mahomet II et de l�empereur Fr�deric II. On accorde une attention particuli�re (III) aux nombreux comptes rendus, principalement en langue allemande (et pour la plupart sans esprit critique) de l�ouvrage originel, et � la r�ponse (hostile dans l�ensemble) au livre de la part des historiens turcs (IV), et de Babinger lui-m�me � ses d�tracteurs (V). L�auteur analyse aussi (VI) la r�ception assez nuanc�e accord�e � la traduction anglaise (1978), longtemps attendue. Le section VII attire l�attention sur la question �pineuse et controvers�e du rapport entre Babinger et ses sources pour Mehmed der Eroberer, et le probl�me du volume 'suppl�mentaire' jamais paru. On tente aussi (VIII) d�expliquer le tableau essentiellement imparfait de Mehmed II qui se manifeste � la lecture attentive du livre de Babinger, par un examen d�taill� des exp�riences personnelles de l�historien, particuli�rement durant son service militaire pendant la Premi�re Guerre mondiale. Les deux derni�res sections (IX, X) r�capitulent et r�sument les consid�rations pr�sent�es ici sur Babinger et son oeuvre, et discutent son h�ritage intellectuel.

The Debut of K�sem Sultan's Political Career

poj@peeters-leuven.be — Wed, 05 Aug 2009 12:13:49 GMT

K�sem Sultan (d. 1651) is well known for her political influence during the reigns of her sons Murad IV (1623-40) and Ibrahim (1640-48). This piece traces the beginnings of her political career and suggests that she had an important role in the politics of succession from very early on during the reign of Ahmed I (1603-17).

K�sem Sultan (m. 1651) est connue pour son influence politique pendant les r�gnes de ses fils Murad IV (1623-40) et Ibrahim (1640-48). Cet article retrace le d�but de sa carri�re politique et sugg�re qu�elle eut un r�le important dans la politique de succession depuis les premi�re ann�es du r�gne d�Ahmed Ier (1603-17).

Comment exprimer une �ventualit� en turc?

poj@peeters-leuven.be — Wed, 05 Aug 2009 12:18:38 GMT

L�expression de l��ventualit� n�cessite l�analyse du syst�me hypoth�tique d�une langue du fait que les notions comme �potentiel, possibilit�, supposition, hypoth�se, etc.� y sont impliqu�es. Dans cette recherche, nous proposons d��tudier ce type d�usage langagier dans le dialogue oral en turc contemporain. Dans un premier temps, nous allons classer nos exemples d��nonc� recueillis d�un corpus oral, en fonction de leur structure morphosyntaxique. Ensuite, nous essaierons d�interpr�ter les �nonc�s marquant une �ventualit� dans le cadre des champs linguistiques de l�intonation et de l��nonciation. Pour ce faire, nous nous servirons bien entendu des trac�s m�lodiques de chaque �nonc�. Tout �nonc� sera, en principe, �tudi� dans un contexte pr�cis tout en �tablissant un rapport entre morphosyntaxe et s�mantique. Cette approche nous permettra de r�pondre explicitement � la question pos�e dans le titre de ce pr�sent article.

The expression of the eventuality requires the analysis of the hypothetical system of a language owing to the fact that the concepts like 'potential, possibility, supposition, assumption, etc' are implied there. In this research, we propose to study this type of linguistic use in the oral contemporary Turkish dialogue. Initially, we will classify our examples of utterance collected of a spoken corpus, according to their morphosyntaxic structure. Then, we will try to interpret the utterances marking a possibility within the framework of the linguistic fields of the intonation and the enunciation. With this intention, we will surely make use of the melody layouts of each utterance. Each utterance, in theory, will be studied in a precise context while drawing up a relationship between morphosyntax and semantics. This approach will enable us to answer explicitly the question put in the title of this present article.

Quelques particularit�s de l'�nonc� � pr�dicat nominal en turc

poj@peeters-leuven.be — Wed, 05 Aug 2009 12:40:18 GMT

Le turc appartient aux langues o� la relation attributive se r�alise aussi bien par la connection directe que par l�interm�diaire d�un verbe. Comme le pr�cisent bien les auteurs de la Typologie de la syntaxe connective, celle-ci se concr�tise par la connection s�mantique de deux mon�mes non verbaux constituant un �nonc� complet; la connexion peut �tre directe ou indirecte et elle se r�alise dans ce dernier cas par l�interm�diaire d�un mon�me verbal ou non verbal. Le turc, consid�r� comme langue agglutinante, privil�gie l�utilisation de mon�mes connecteurs pour marquer les relations qui s��tablissent entre les unit�s. La grammaire traditionnelle les d�signe comme des suffixes. Les particularit�s syntaxiques et morphologiques de la langue ont suscit� de nombreuses �tudes linguistiques. Cependant, certains faits syntaxiques restent encore � l�heure actuelle au coeur de pol�miques, tel est le cas surtout des phrases nominales et de leurs r�les syntaxiques. Etant donn� que la grammaire traditionnelle et d�autres th�ories linguistiques n�ont pas encore propos� de solution satisfaisante, nous allons essayer d�analyser ici quelques particularit�s de la fonction attributive en turc dans l�optique fonctionnelle.

Turkish language is among the languages in which the attributive connection happens by direct connection or by the help of a verb. The connective syntax is provided from the semantic connection of two non-verbal monemes that constitute a complete utterance; this connection can be direct or indirect, and when it is indirect, the connection is made by a verbal or non-verbal moneme. In some of the world�s languages, the connective syntax uses exclusively the non-verbal syntax, but in other languages, it uses the non-verbal syntax ressources as much as it uses the verbal ones. And finally in some of the languages, the connective syntax belongs exclusively to the verbal syntax domain. There are many studies done about the syntactic and morphological particularities of language. However, some syntactic facts remain, even today, in controversy, for example the verb entitled 'copule' and its syntactic fonction. Since the traditionnal grammar and other linguistic theories failed to propose a satisfactory solution, we�ll try, by a functionalistic look, to explain the basic syntactic functions in Turkish, and most of all, the attributive function.

Dans le labyrinthe des d�buts de l'histoire ottomane

poj@peeters-leuven.be — Wed, 05 Aug 2009 12:44:49 GMT

Review article of R.P. LINDNER, Explorations in Ottoman Prehistory, Ann Arbor, 2007.

Comptes rendus

poj@peeters-leuven.be — Wed, 05 Aug 2009 12:44:18 GMT

Book reviews