Iranica Antiqua

�ber das fr�he Kupfer Mesopotamiens

poj@peeters-leuven.be — Tue, 07 Apr 2009 09:43:30 GMT

A lead isotope study �On the Early copper of Mesopotamia� reports on copper-base artefacts ranging in age from the 4th millennium BC (Uruk period) to the Akkadian at the end of the 3rd millennium BC. Arguments are presented that, in the (tin)bronzes, the lead associated with the tin used for alloying did not contribute to the total in any detectable way. Hence, the lead isotopy traces the copper and cannot address the problem of the provenance of tin. The data suggest as possible source region of the copper a variety of ore occurrences in Anatolia, Iran, Oman, Palestine and, rather unexpectedly (by us), from India. During the earliest period the isotopic signature of ores from Central and North Anatolia is dominant; during the next millennium this region loses its importance and is hardly present any more at all. Instead, southeast Anatolia, central Iran, Oman, Feinan-Timna in the rift valley between Dead Sea and Red Sea, and sources in the Caucasus are now potential suppliers of the copper. Generally, an unambiguous assignment of an artefact to any of the ores is not possible because the isotopic fingerprints of ore occurrences are not unique. In our suite of samples bronze objects become important during ED III (middle of the 3rd millennium BC) but they never make up more than 50 % of the total. They are distinguished in their lead isotopy by very high ²⁰⁶Pb-normalized abundance ratios. As source of such copper we suggest Gujarat/Southern Rajasthan which, on general grounds, has been proposed before to have been the most important supplier of copper in Ancient India. We propose this Indian copper to have been arsenic-poor and to be the urudu-luh-ha variety which is one of the two sorts of purified copper mentioned in contemporaneous written texts from Mesopotamia to have been in circulation there concurrently.

Structure, Agency and Commerce in the Ancient Near East

poj@peeters-leuven.be — Tue, 07 Apr 2009 09:45:19 GMT

The nature of the economy in the Bronze Age of the Near East has been long debated. Various models are reviewed, as is the role of merchants, the structure and extent of �international trade�, and the nature of the market-economy. The diversity of co-occuring structures are seen as characteristic of the ancient economy.

Haftavan IV (Iron II) Settlement Cemetery, NW Iran, Azerbaijan

poj@peeters-leuven.be — Tue, 07 Apr 2009 09:47:52 GMT

Some 25 graves excavated at Haftavan Tepe in Iranian Azerbaijan came from Iron Age II, Haftavan IV. This article examines the contents of the graves; all are simple pit graves with relatively simple ceramics and a poor collection of jewelry and other personal ornaments. The burials have been dug in the cemetery at the edges of the settlement areas. This can be seen in marked contrast to the old burial practices of period VI (LBA), where burials were made at various points under the settlement fl oor and, most importantly, infants were buried in jars. On the basis of relative dating, typological parallels and stratigraphic sources, the use of the graves can be assigned to the 12th to 8th centuries BC. Finally, from an overall viewpoint, the tentative nature of the conclusions presented in the article must be stressed.

A Preliminary Report of Excavations at Rabat Tepe, Northwestern Iran

poj@peeters-leuven.be — Tue, 07 Apr 2009 09:50:28 GMT

During the course of his research in northwestern Iran, Bahman Kargar identified Rabat Tepe for the first time in 1986. In 2005 he excavated two architectural stages (Iron Age II and Iron Age III). Period I (=Iron Age III) is divided into two phases (Ia and Ib). Period II (=Iron Age II) has not been the subject so far of excavations. Boulder/cobble and brick floors made with rows of brick and concentric circles of small cobbles were discovered. A large amount of remains were found during these excavations and include painted and glazed decorative bricks, pottery vessels and clay doornails. Preliminary observations, suggest a date of the 8th and 7th centuries B.C. for Rabat Tepe.

Ashurbanipal's Feast

poj@peeters-leuven.be — Tue, 07 Apr 2009 09:53:12 GMT

As observed by numerous commentators, the slab relief panel from the North Palace at Nineveh depicting the banquet of Ashurbanipal is, in a variety of ways, most exceptional. In these pages, I will explore this relief within the context of an Elamite viewpoint and look into those aspects of the relief which directly point to an Elamite political and cultural milieu. This background evidence, together with an in-depth analysis of the garment and headdress styles espoused by the enthroned lady, further expand our insights regarding its conception, intended audience, and the identities of main participants exhibited in the relief.

Erebuni 2007

poj@peeters-leuven.be — Tue, 07 Apr 2009 09:55:17 GMT

New excavations on the Southeast Hill at Erebuni, at the east end of the fertile Ararat valley in Armenia, were designed to re-explore the still understudied Urartian settlement that occupies this prominent extramural location. Contrary to an earlier supposition that the site was broadly contemporary with the eighth to seventh century Urartian occupation in the adjacent Citadel, it emerges that this short-lived settlement may throw valuable light on a notably late phase of Urartian material culture.

Further Excavations at Qaleh Kali (MS 46) by the Joint ICAR-University of Sydney Mamasani Expedition

poj@peeters-leuven.be — Tue, 07 Apr 2009 09:57:38 GMT

A second season of excavations was undertaken at Qaleh Kali during the winter of 2007/8. Initially, work was concentrated around one of the trenches opened in 2007 (E0978/N1055) in order to ascertain the extent of the Achaemenid pavement and portico exposed there. Later work focused on identifying mudbrick structures on stone foundations to the north of the portico. It is not yet certain whether these date to the Achaemenid or post-Achaemenid period.

Die Darstellung der 23 V�lker auf den Reliefs des Apadana von Persepolis

poj@peeters-leuven.be — Tue, 07 Apr 2009 10:04:33 GMT

Article title: �The 23 subject peoples on the Apadana staircases of Persepolis�. Many scholars tried from 1910 to 2006 to identify the peoples depicted on the staircases of the Apadana in Persepolis, but up to now without finding an accord. The staircases were not constructed in the time of Xerxes (as his inscription may suggest) but by Dareios during the Ionian revolt of 499-494 BC. The list is similar to that on the statue of Dareios from Susa, there are depicted the 24 peoples of the empire (together with the Persians), at the Apadana you see the 23 satrapies (the Persis was not a satrapy, it was the personal property of the Great King). The Jonians (Greek) are not mentioned in both lists, at the Apadana they were wrongly looked for. During the revolt Thracia was no more part of the empire, so the Skudra, depicted on the Apadana, can not be located there, their satrapy was Paphlagonia in Asia Minor. At the Apadana the peoples are not arranged in geographical or ethnical order, but Persian and Median magistrates regularly exchange to lead the delegations, these are the satraps. The satraps were very important rulers of the empire, but as Kyros had promised after his victory over Astyages to give the Medes a share in government, the Medes were taking half part of this office also. Identifying the peoples you will observe groups with similar garments, getting informations about historical tribal ties. There are some more reliefs and inscriptions with lists of satrapies at Persepolis. By comparison you will observe three distributions of satrapies by Dareios and Xerxes. There were also added new peoples, which are to be located in western Anatolia and around the Caspian Sea. The reason of arranging the peoples against geographical order in these lists of satrapies is that they follow the personal dignity of the satraps. Our first attempt to call the satraps depicted at the Apadana by their names is still quite provisory and should be completed with the help of collegues in the near future.

Les livres 41-42 des Histoires Philippiques de Trogue-Pomp�e r�sum�es par Justin

poj@peeters-leuven.be — Tue, 07 Apr 2009 10:09:43 GMT

This article �A Study of Books 41-42 of Justin�s Epitome of the Philippic History of Pompeius Trogus� is an attempt to determine, through the study of books 41-42 of the Philippic History of Pompeius Trogus, what kind of knowledge a learned Roman living in Augustus� era had about the Parthians. It deals essentially, once again, with the question of Trogus� sources. From the analysis of the text it appears that Trogus combines information coming from a Greek work specifically dedicated to Parthian history and civilization, probably the Parthica of Apollodorus of Artemita, with elements deriving from Roman observations and with his own personal reflexions. This is true for the historical chapters as well as for the ethnographical ones. Consequently, one should consider this text as expressing Trogus� own vision of the Parthians, and not as simply reflecting a lost source.

New Evidence on the Chronology of the �Anahita Temple�

poj@peeters-leuven.be — Tue, 07 Apr 2009 10:12:01 GMT

Partly standing-partly excavated remains of a monument in Kangavar, a town in western Iran between Hamadan and Kermanshah, have been dated to the Seleucid and/or Parthian periods. In an article published in 1981, nevertheless, M. Azarnoush argues in favour of a late Sasanian date for this site. The discovery of a brick under the massive masonry of the western platform of the monument in the course of later excavations provided the possibility for thermoluminescence dating of this sample. The TL reading of the brick confirms the Sasanian date of the monument. The present article intends to assess this and some other new information about the site.

Investiture or Mithra

poj@peeters-leuven.be — Tue, 07 Apr 2009 10:14:28 GMT

It is commonly accepted among scholars that the investiture or coronation scenes appear regularly in Parthian and Sasanian art. A key to this interpretation lies is the presence of a ring. Deemed to be a symbol of royal power, the ring is, however, mentioned as the insignia of royal power in no textual sources. A review of the ring involving scenes, provided that the symbol concerned retains its meaning irrespectively of context, permits to believe that the ring should be perceived as a symbolic expression of a contract or covenant (mithra). The noun mithra has a strong ethical tinge and is closely relating to Mithra, the divinity who not only presides over contracts but also warrants their inviolability.

The Vocabulary and Syntax of Iconography in Sasanian Iran

poj@peeters-leuven.be — Tue, 07 Apr 2009 10:18:05 GMT

The purpose of this paper is to establish that Sasanian functionaries had to develop a sophisticated iconographical language to propagate a political propaganda aimed at a mostly illiterate population. This iconographical language not only complements the written word, but stands on its own merits in shedding some light on information not easily understood in texts. It also provides a testing ground for the interpretation of complex slogans and philological guessing.

A Roman Emperor at Bishapur and Darabgird

poj@peeters-leuven.be — Tue, 07 Apr 2009 10:22:40 GMT

The Roman emperors on the rock reliefs of Shapur I at Darabgird and Bishapur are traditionally identified as Gordianus III, Philippus Arabs and Valerianus. The foreign delegations / prisoners on the Bishapur III relief have been interpreted as a reference to both the Roman Empire and the Eastern frontiers of the Sasanian Empire (Kushan). These references are evaluated and an alternative interpretation is considered. The Bishapur III sculpture is seen as referring to Shapur�s Syrian campaign in 253 AD. A heavy object among the booty is identified as the black stone of Emesa (ancient Homs in Syria), a famous baethyl. The 'spoils of war', such as the large boulder (stone of Emesa, depicted twice), a cart, textiles and vessels, all relate to its cult. The Roman emperor is identified as the Roman usurper-emperor Uranius Antoninus, the last in line of the priest-kings of Emesa. Historic sources relate this meeting between Shapur and Uranius Antoninus (called Sampsigeramos). The Roman emperor is depicted kneeling in supplication and standing as an ally next to Shapur�s horse. Bishapur II and Darabgird represent the same event. This dates these reliefs to 254 AD.

The Sasanian Rock Relief of Bahram II at Guyum (Fars, Iran)

poj@peeters-leuven.be — Tue, 07 Apr 2009 10:25:26 GMT

The rock carving at Guyum is known since the early 20th century but did not receive full attention yet. Situated to the north of Shiraz, it can be attributed to the reign of the Sasanian king Bahram II. The panel depicts the standing king Bahram II in full, in a venerating position with bent forefinger and holding a sword with his left hand. A detailed discussion is presented as well as several previously unpublished photographs.

Wahrām II., K�nig der K�nige von Ērān und Anērān

poj@peeters-leuven.be — Tue, 07 Apr 2009 10:36:18 GMT

�Wahrām II, King of kings of Ērān and Anērān�. After three years of kingship, Wahrām I died and his son Wahrām II ascended the throne. He ruled the Sasanian Empire for seventeen years (276-293 AD). Wahrām II was the fifth šāhān šāh of the so-called New Persian Empire that had been founded by Ardašīr I in 224 AD. During his long reign, Wahrām endeavoured to secure the throne for his family and to fix the succession correctly to his father�s mind. Numerous rock reliefs commissioned by him show him within the family and with the highest dignitaries of the empire. Those images were a proven device for displaying his entitlement to the Sasanian throne. As regards domestic policy and foreign affairs, difficulties characterize Wahrām�s reign. The most prominent of them were the many years� rebellion of his brother (or cousin?), prince Ormies (Hormezd), and the serious setbacks in the Sasanian fight against Rome. The main reasons for this development were the king�s turning away from the tolerant religious policy of his predecessors and the rebellion of Ormies (Hormezd) that lasted for almost ten years. The situation became even worse because of the struggle for the throne after Wahrām�s death. Four people stand out from the great number of Wahrām�s relatives and are documented in the sources: his brother Ormies (Hormezd); his wife, the �Queen of queens�, whose name remains unknown; his concubine, the Christian martyr Qandīdā, who originally came from the territories of the Roman empire; and his son and successor Wahrām III (293 AD). Like his predecessors, Wahrām II was a devout follower and patron of Zoroastrianism. His conviction follows from his titles, his coins and reliefs. His religious policy was decisively shaped by his promotion of the mowbed Kerdīr on whom he showered extraordinary honours and powers. By that, Kerdīr got decisive space to intensively foster Zoroastrianism and, at the same time, to persecute all other religions, not the least the Christians and the Manichaeans. It was in Wahrām II�s time that the first persecution of the Christians took place. However, it had not the dimensions of the later ones. During this persecution, Wahrām�s concubine Qandīdā died a martyr�s death.

The Iranian Heritage of Georgia

poj@peeters-leuven.be — Tue, 07 Apr 2009 10:40:44 GMT

Traditionally, scholars have considered extant medieval Georgian historiography as having been produced exclusively during the millennium of Bagratid rule. This essay identifies a separate historiographical phase just preceding the rise of Bagratid rule in the Georgian domains in the early ninth century. Pre-Bagratid historiographical texts are distinguished first and foremost by their Iranian flavor, which is a reflection of the longstanding membership of the whole of southern Caucasia in the Iranian cultural world.