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	<title>Ephemerides Theologicae Lovanienses</title>
	<link>http://poj.peeters-leuven.be/content.php?url=journal&amp;journal_code=ETL</link>
	<description>Recent articles</description>
	<item>
		<title>Index of Volume 88 (2012)</title>
		<author>poj@peeters-leuven.be</author>
		<guid>http://dx.doi.org/10.2143/ETL.88.4.2957942</guid>
		<link>http://poj.peeters-leuven.be/content.php?url=article&amp;id=2957942</link>
		<pubDate>Thu, 21 Feb 2013 10:03:24 GMT</pubDate>
		<description>
			Index of volume 88
		</description>
	</item>
	<item>
		<title>Chronicles</title>
		<author>poj@peeters-leuven.be</author>
		<guid>http://dx.doi.org/10.2143/ETL.88.4.2957941</guid>
		<link>http://poj.peeters-leuven.be/content.php?url=article&amp;id=2957941</link>
		<pubDate>Thu, 21 Feb 2013 10:02:38 GMT</pubDate>
		<description>
			Chronicles
		</description>
	</item>
	<item>
		<title>Book Reviews</title>
		<author>poj@peeters-leuven.be</author>
		<guid>http://dx.doi.org/10.2143/ETL.88.4.2957940</guid>
		<link>http://poj.peeters-leuven.be/content.php?url=article&amp;id=2957940</link>
		<pubDate>Thu, 21 Feb 2013 10:02:23 GMT</pubDate>
		<description>
			Book reviews
		</description>
	</item>
	<item>
		<title>Mark 10,15 and Grammatical Parallels in Mark</title>
		<author>poj@peeters-leuven.be</author>
		<guid>http://dx.doi.org/10.2143/ETL.88.4.2957939</guid>
		<link>http://poj.peeters-leuven.be/content.php?url=article&amp;id=2957939</link>
		<pubDate>Thu, 21 Feb 2013 10:02:13 GMT</pubDate>
		<description>
			not available
		</description>
	</item>
	<item>
		<title>The Topos of Female Hiddenness</title>
		<author>poj@peeters-leuven.be</author>
		<guid>http://dx.doi.org/10.2143/ETL.88.4.2957938</guid>
		<link>http://poj.peeters-leuven.be/content.php?url=article&amp;id=2957938</link>
		<pubDate>Thu, 21 Feb 2013 10:01:05 GMT</pubDate>
		<description>
			In spite of the apparent lack of coherence, 1 Tim 2,9-15 is held together by a number of connecting themes. One of these is the topos of female inconspicuousness, implicit in three aspects of the exhortation. First, the restrictions on beautification express an ancient moral-philosophical &lt;i&gt;topos&lt;/i&gt;: women are to avoid ostentatious adornment that would attract men’s gaze, remaining thereby inconspicuous. Second, the virtues that women should embrace instead – modesty, temperance/chastity –, intimately connected to the restrictions imposed on adornment here and in numerous ancient sources, effect women’s inconspicuousness, and aim to keep women in the private sphere. Third, silence is frequently associated with the hiddenness of the body: just as an entirely covering dress hides her body, so silence conceals her thoughts, her wishes, her personality. In this paper I look at these exhortations, focusing on the topos of female hiddenness in ancient authors.
		</description>
	</item>
	<item>
		<title>Early New Testament Manuscripts and Their Dates</title>
		<author>poj@peeters-leuven.be</author>
		<guid>http://dx.doi.org/10.2143/ETL.88.4.2957937</guid>
		<link>http://poj.peeters-leuven.be/content.php?url=article&amp;id=2957937</link>
		<pubDate>Thu, 21 Feb 2013 09:59:16 GMT</pubDate>
		<description>
			The date of the earliest New Testament papyri is nearly always based on palaeographical criteria. A consensus among papyrologists, palaeographers and New Testament scholars is presented in the edition of Nestle-Aland, 1994. In the last twenty years several New Testament scholars (Thiede, Comfort-Barrett, 1999, 2001 and Jaro&amp;#154;, 2006) have argued for an earlier date of most of these texts. The present article analyzes the date of the earliest New Testament papyri on the basis of comparative palaeography and a clear distinction between different types of literary scripts. There are no first-century New Testament papyri and only very few papyri can be attributed to the (second half of the) second century. It is only in the third and fourth centuries that New Testament manuscripts become more common, but here too the dates proposed by Comfort-Barrett, 1999, 2001, and Jaroš, 2006 are often too early.
		</description>
	</item>
	<item>
		<title>The Use of the &lt;i&gt;Pronomen abundus&lt;/i&gt; in the Fourth Gospel</title>
		<author>poj@peeters-leuven.be</author>
		<guid>http://dx.doi.org/10.2143/ETL.88.4.2957936</guid>
		<link>http://poj.peeters-leuven.be/content.php?url=article&amp;id=2957936</link>
		<pubDate>Thu, 21 Feb 2013 09:55:38 GMT</pubDate>
		<description>
			It is widely accepted in Johannine research that remarkable repetitions and variations are typical of the Gospel of John: synonyms in vocabulary and grammatical constructions, repetitions of parts of sentences and ideas, and rhetorical figures and literary devices (&lt;i&gt;e.g.&lt;/i&gt; epanalepsis or &#039;Wiederaufnahme&#039;, chiasm, prolepsis and analepsis, parallelism, and inclusions). In continuation of my earlier research into the parentheses or asides in the Fourth Gospel, the use of prolepsis and the use of the proleptic pronoun &amp;#945;&amp;#8016;&amp;#964;&amp;#972;&amp;#962;, this article will demonstrate that the so-called &lt;i&gt;pronomen abundans&lt;/i&gt; in John, &lt;i&gt;i.e.&lt;/i&gt; &#039;a personal or demonstrative pronoun which repeats the relative pronoun in a single-limbed relative clause&#039; (W.F. Bakker), is also a form of repetition or intensification, and thus characteristic of the stylistic and grammatical unity of the Gospel of John.
		</description>
	</item>
	<item>
		<title>&#039;Baptized into His Death&#039; (Rom 6,3) and &#039;Clothed with Christ&#039; (Gal 3,27)</title>
		<author>poj@peeters-leuven.be</author>
		<guid>http://dx.doi.org/10.2143/ETL.88.4.2957935</guid>
		<link>http://poj.peeters-leuven.be/content.php?url=article&amp;id=2957935</link>
		<pubDate>Thu, 21 Feb 2013 09:51:37 GMT</pubDate>
		<description>
			Rom 6,1-14 is one of the most important passages that contribute to our understanding of Paul’s thought on baptism. While Paul in Rom 6 does not intend to present his theology of baptism, his reference to baptism thereby nonetheless provides us with a clue as to how Paul understands baptism. In Rom 6,3 Paul specifies the believers’ being &#039;baptized into Christ&#039; as being &#039;baptized into his death&#039;, an unprecedented expression in the NT peculiar to Paul. Originating from Paul’s own theological genius, the phrase being &#039;baptized into his death&#039; is an application of the kerygma to the praxis of baptism, which demonstrates the creativity in Paul’s hermeneutics of baptism. As the present study will show, Paul’s coinage of being &#039;baptized into his death&#039; is in fact embedded in the matrix of his apocalyptic thought, envisioning the transformation of the baptized through participation in Christ’s death, an apocalyptic event with salvific efficacy in overcoming the power of sin. Moreover, Paul’s apocalyptic specification of being &#039;baptized into Christ&#039; as being &#039;baptized into his death&#039; in Rom 6,3 resonates with Gal 3,27, the most comparable baptismal verse in the authentic Pauline letters, where Paul speaks of being &#039;baptized into Christ&#039; as being &#039;clothed with Christ&#039;. The resonance comes from the apocalyptic backdrop behind these two verses in which Paul thinks of baptism. The expression &#039;clothed with Christ&#039; in Gal 3,27 in fact derives from the apocalyptic imagery of clothing, which commentators have not hitherto considered. As a result, we find that Paul in Rom 6,3 and Gal 3,27 consistently refers to baptism in apocalyptic terms, though each in its own way depending on the contexts. As this apocalyptic background to baptism in Pauline thought is restored, the soteriological significance of baptism is revealed in its original setting of the early church: that is, baptism anticipates the ultimate transformation (i.e., resurrection) promised by God’s apocalypse in the Christ event.
		</description>
	</item>
	<item>
		<title>An Aristotelian, an Example of Virtue and/or a Mystic?</title>
		<author>poj@peeters-leuven.be</author>
		<guid>http://dx.doi.org/10.2143/ETL.88.4.2957934</guid>
		<link>http://poj.peeters-leuven.be/content.php?url=article&amp;id=2957934</link>
		<pubDate>Thu, 21 Feb 2013 09:47:44 GMT</pubDate>
		<description>
			The biography of Leonardus Lessius, written by his nephew, Jacob Wijns, and published by his great nephew, Thomas Courtois, in 1640, the same year when Jansenius’ &lt;i&gt;Augustinus&lt;/i&gt; was also published, is discussed here as a possible piece in the complex puzzle that constituted the debate on the efficacy of grace between Jansenius and the Faculty of Theology, on the one hand, and the Jesuit scholars, on the other hand, in late-sixteenth and early-seventeenth century Louvain. The biography presents Lessius both as a learned Aristotelian and as a pious person who follows Ignatius of Loyola and shares in his mystical endeavours. My hypothesis is that, in presenting Lessius in such a manner, Wijns actually uses learned conventions specific for his time to actually disguise some of Lessius’ views on the efficacy of grace introduced in the biography. These views were accepted neither by the Louvain Faculty of Theology nor by the Jesuits themselves and they may have constituted one of the reasons for the biography to be put on the &lt;i&gt;Index&lt;/i&gt; in 1642 and, once more, in 1646.
		</description>
	</item>
	<item>
		<title>&lt;i&gt;In decreto continetur doctrina plane Molinistica&lt;/i&gt;</title>
		<author>poj@peeters-leuven.be</author>
		<guid>http://dx.doi.org/10.2143/ETL.88.4.2957933</guid>
		<link>http://poj.peeters-leuven.be/content.php?url=article&amp;id=2957933</link>
		<pubDate>Thu, 21 Feb 2013 09:45:28 GMT</pubDate>
		<description>
			At the end of the General Chapter of June 1691, the newlyelected General of the Capuchin Order, Bernardino of Arezzo, issued together with his Definitors General an anti-Jansenist decree for the Flandro-Belgian Province, in which all Flemish &lt;i&gt;Lectores&lt;/i&gt; were imposed upon to teach the &lt;i&gt;praedestinatio post praeuisa merita&lt;/i&gt;, the Molinist doctrine of divine grace, and the sufficiency of attrition for the fruitful reception of the sacrament of penance. Censured by the Holy Office, the Minister General subsequently forbade the promulgation of his own decree and ordered the withdrawal of all of its copies. The present article, which is largely based on original archive research, offers a critical edition and content analysis of the major documents associated with this affair. In addition, a reconstruction of the events leading up to the forced withdrawal of the decree is offered through an analysis of the correspondence of Louis-Paul Du Vaucel. A final chapter studies how the affair and its outcome were put to use in polemical writings during the decades following Bernardino’s failed attempt to determine the content of theological instruction within the Flandro-Belgian Province.
		</description>
	</item>
	<item>
		<title>Le &lt;i&gt;Coetus Internationalis Patrum&lt;/i&gt; et les juifs au concile Vatican II</title>
		<author>poj@peeters-leuven.be</author>
		<guid>http://dx.doi.org/10.2143/ETL.88.4.2957932</guid>
		<link>http://poj.peeters-leuven.be/content.php?url=article&amp;id=2957932</link>
		<pubDate>Thu, 21 Feb 2013 09:43:10 GMT</pubDate>
		<description>
			On the occasion of the Second Vatican Council (1962-1965), the Roman Catholic Church has radically altered its attitude on Judaism: before and during this event, it had considered the Jewish people as punished by God and upheld the doctrine that the Old Covenant was replaced by the New, the old people of Israel replaced by the new people of God. After the Council, the Church spoke of the ‘older brethren’ and discarded the substitution theory. Such a change in direction did not come about without any resistance. Particularly harsh counterreactions arose from the side of Arab Christians, as well as more conservative prelats within the Latin church. In the present contribution, the author focuses on the opposition to the new currents in Jewish-Christian relationships as organised and carried out by the &lt;i&gt;Coetus Internationalis Patrum&lt;/i&gt; (CIP). The CIP was known as the principal group within the conciliar minority. This article traces the reactions of its members and sympathizers to the subsequent projects that ultimately led to the declaration &lt;i&gt;Nostra Aetate&lt;/i&gt;.
		</description>
	</item>
	<item>
		<title>L&#039;affaire Brassac vue de Rome</title>
		<author>poj@peeters-leuven.be</author>
		<guid>http://dx.doi.org/10.2143/ETL.88.4.2957931</guid>
		<link>http://poj.peeters-leuven.be/content.php?url=article&amp;id=2957931</link>
		<pubDate>Thu, 21 Feb 2013 09:40:12 GMT</pubDate>
		<description>
			In December 1923, the Holy Office decided to put on the &lt;i&gt;Index&lt;/i&gt; the last editions of the &lt;i&gt;Manuel biblique&lt;/i&gt; by F. Vigouroux, which had been revised by his colleague A. Brassac. This decision provoked a big turmoil in France and elsewhere, because the &lt;i&gt;Manuel&lt;/i&gt; was used in many seminaries in France and abroad. Based on evidence preserved in the Vatican Archives, this article proves that the decision was part of a larger attack against the so-called &#039;broad school&#039; in exegesis, incarnated in the person and the work of Marie-Joseph Lagrange. In 1924, a &lt;i&gt;motu proprio&lt;/i&gt; encouraged all ecclesiastical authorities to send their students to Rome instead of the École Biblique de Jérusalem.
		</description>
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