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	<title>Ancient Society</title>
	<link>http://poj.peeters-leuven.be/content.php?url=journal&amp;journal_code=AS</link>
	<description>Recent articles</description>
	<item>
		<title>&#039;A Delight and a Burden&#039; (Hes., &lt;i&gt;Sc.&lt;/i&gt; 400)</title>
		<author>poj@peeters-leuven.be</author>
		<guid>http://dx.doi.org/10.2143/AS.42.0.2172285</guid>
		<link>http://poj.peeters-leuven.be/content.php?url=article&amp;id=2172285</link>
		<pubDate>Tue, 16 Oct 2012 10:43:49 GMT</pubDate>
		<description>
			The purpose of this paper is to examine the major patterns of wine-drinking practices and their ramifications (social, political, cultural) in archaic Greece. Due primarily to the emergence of the &lt;i&gt;symposion&lt;/i&gt; and other forms of commensality as vital components of social interaction, wine-drinking acquired new significance in the economically developing and politically polarized archaic communities. Archaic Greeks actively engaged in wine-drinking on a number of occasions and contexts. As practices and contexts of wine-drinking multiplied and changed, so did ideas about its meaning and responses to what were perceived as problematic aspects of wine-consumption. Archaic poetry and vase iconography suggest two major elite drinking paradigms advocating inebriation and moderation. These paradigms were closely intertwined with wider aristocratic discourses on leisure, social differentiation and political power.
		</description>
	</item>
	<item>
		<title>Secretaries, &lt;i&gt;Psephismata&lt;/i&gt; and &lt;i&gt;Stelai&lt;/i&gt; in Athens</title>
		<author>poj@peeters-leuven.be</author>
		<guid>http://dx.doi.org/10.2143/AS.42.0.2172286</guid>
		<link>http://poj.peeters-leuven.be/content.php?url=article&amp;id=2172286</link>
		<pubDate>Tue, 16 Oct 2012 10:46:37 GMT</pubDate>
		<description>
			This article examines the role of the prytany secretary in Athens in respect of the publication of public decrees. It is argued firstly that the agenda for meetings were minimalist, except perhaps in the case of &lt;i&gt;aiteseis&lt;/i&gt;; secondly that, except when the Assembly adopted a specific &lt;i&gt;probouleuma&lt;/i&gt;, the prytany secretary played a significant role in shaping the text of decrees; thirdly that the text inscribed on a &lt;i&gt;stele&lt;/i&gt; was that finalized by the secretary, that it was no different from the copy placed in the Metroon, and that it constituted the ‘official’ text; and finally (contrary to widespread belief) that, in keeping with the rationale for inscription in terms of information in the case of diplomatic instruments and stimulus to benefaction in the case of honorific measures, all public decrees were inscribed on &lt;i&gt;stelai&lt;/i&gt; and that this practice was well within the capacity of public funding and the availability of letter-cutters.
		</description>
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	<item>
		<title>The Birth-date of Arsinoe II Philadelphus</title>
		<author>poj@peeters-leuven.be</author>
		<guid>http://dx.doi.org/10.2143/AS.42.0.2172287</guid>
		<link>http://poj.peeters-leuven.be/content.php?url=article&amp;id=2172287</link>
		<pubDate>Tue, 16 Oct 2012 10:47:58 GMT</pubDate>
		<description>
			This article examines the modern assumption that Arsinoe II was born &lt;i&gt;ca.&lt;/i&gt; 316 — and argues that her birth cannot be dated more precisely than between 320/19 and 312/1. More importantly, I intend to reveal the dubious rationale underlying scholarly assumptions about (royal) marriageable age and marital relations. Historians appear reluctant to accept, on the one hand, that Arsinoe may have been as young as twelve when she married Lysimachus, and, on the other hand, that Ptolemy I may well have married Berenice I around the same time as Eurydice. I will further explore the implications of post- or ante-dating Arsinoe’s birth in relation to her position at the courts of Lysimachus and Ptolemy II. This note may thus serve as a general warning about the intricacies of the marital behavior of the (early-) Hellenistic dynasties.
		</description>
	</item>
	<item>
		<title>The Kronion Family&#039;s Loans</title>
		<author>poj@peeters-leuven.be</author>
		<guid>http://dx.doi.org/10.2143/AS.42.0.2172288</guid>
		<link>http://poj.peeters-leuven.be/content.php?url=article&amp;id=2172288</link>
		<pubDate>Tue, 16 Oct 2012 11:02:00 GMT</pubDate>
		<description>
			This article examines the financial history of the Kronion family on the basis of the evidence from their archive (&lt;i&gt;P. Kron.&lt;/i&gt;). Although several previous studies have treated the Kronion family as an example of Egyptian peasants gradually declining under Roman rule, a close examination of the evidence suggests that their economic decline and financial difficulties happened not as slow process but as the result of a huge debt which was incurred at one particular point and then discredited the family’s financial reputation.
		</description>
	</item>
	<item>
		<title>An Accidental Tourist?</title>
		<author>poj@peeters-leuven.be</author>
		<guid>http://dx.doi.org/10.2143/AS.42.0.2172289</guid>
		<link>http://poj.peeters-leuven.be/content.php?url=article&amp;id=2172289</link>
		<pubDate>Tue, 16 Oct 2012 11:03:05 GMT</pubDate>
		<description>
			The circumstances surrounding Caracalla’s death in AD 217 remain confusing. In particular the presence of the emperor near the famous temple of the Moon at Carrhae-Harran has led to much scholarly speculation. Often a preference for ‘the East’ has been put forward to explain Caracalla’s actions. This paper discusses the various possibilities why he decided to visit this specific temple, and argues that the episode ought to be understood through a combination of religious notions and individual, ‘political’ needs and conveniences which would have made it impossible for this emperor not to go to a deity whose local cult stood for total, universal power. In the process, this article also provides some clarity regarding the contradictory sources describing the events.
		</description>
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	<item>
		<title>Vertical Integration in the Roman Economy</title>
		<author>poj@peeters-leuven.be</author>
		<guid>http://dx.doi.org/10.2143/AS.42.0.2172290</guid>
		<link>http://poj.peeters-leuven.be/content.php?url=article&amp;id=2172290</link>
		<pubDate>Tue, 16 Oct 2012 11:04:01 GMT</pubDate>
		<description>
			Evidence on vertically integrated enterprises in Roman production and trade sectors is by no means as scarce as is often assumed. Both monumental epigraphy and inscriptions on archaeological objects testify to backward and forward integration as an efficiency enhancing mechanism.
		</description>
	</item>
	<item>
		<title>Whirlwind of Numbers</title>
		<author>poj@peeters-leuven.be</author>
		<guid>http://dx.doi.org/10.2143/AS.42.0.2172291</guid>
		<link>http://poj.peeters-leuven.be/content.php?url=article&amp;id=2172291</link>
		<pubDate>Tue, 16 Oct 2012 11:05:09 GMT</pubDate>
		<description>
			The reconstruction of population-levels for ancient cities is a difficult undertaking. Many methods are present in the literature, each with their own (dis)advantages. This paper presents an illustration on the methodological issues encountered in the reconstruction of the population-levels of an ancient city. The city of Corinth is used as an example, since it has a long history of scholarly interest (including demographic) and it is considered to have played a pivotal role in Roman Greece. Excavations at the site of Corinth have revealed a strongly monumentalized site which seems to at least equal its Greek predecessor. In terms of population, Corinth has been estimated as one of the larger cities in Roman Greece. Corinth is therefore a focal point of academic attention for researchers both directly and indirectly involved in its studies.
		</description>
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	<item>
		<title>Auf dem Holzweg. Bevölkerungsdichte und natürliche Ressourcen </title>
		<author>poj@peeters-leuven.be</author>
		<guid>http://dx.doi.org/10.2143/AS.42.0.2172292</guid>
		<link>http://poj.peeters-leuven.be/content.php?url=article&amp;id=2172292</link>
		<pubDate>Tue, 16 Oct 2012 11:06:55 GMT</pubDate>
		<description>
			The first part of this paper is a critical examination of a study published a few years ago, in which Karl Peter Wendt and Andreas Zimmermann tried to calculate the population in the Roman Rhineland during the second century AD. It was their aim to create a basis for estimating demand and use of natural resources in a landscape. This contribution persues the question as to the extent in which wood was used in antiquity. Examples are collected from archaeological contexts, where wood is well-preserved and allows for calculations on its use as building material, timber and firewood. This analysis is followed by a consideration whether it is currently possible to determine the consumption of wood in the Roman Rhineland convincingly. The article concludes with a critical assessment mainly discussing the long-standing problem of timber shortage in the Roman period.
		</description>
	</item>
	<item>
		<title>Plutarch and &lt;i&gt;mos maiorum&lt;/i&gt; in the &lt;i&gt;Life of Aemilius Paullus&lt;/i&gt;</title>
		<author>poj@peeters-leuven.be</author>
		<guid>http://dx.doi.org/10.2143/AS.42.0.2172293</guid>
		<link>http://poj.peeters-leuven.be/content.php?url=article&amp;id=2172293</link>
		<pubDate>Tue, 16 Oct 2012 11:08:43 GMT</pubDate>
		<description>
			Plutarch’s &lt;i&gt;Life of Aemilius&lt;/i&gt; stands out as an exceedingly favourable portrait of one of the leading figures of mid-Republican Rome. Above all, the biographer generously praises his subject’s qualities as a wise and traditionalist statesman in the city and as a philanthropic and philhellenic benefactor abroad. Although his policies are characterised as distinctly ‘conservative’, Aemilius admirably succeeds in winning universal popularity, thus bridging the common divide between Senate and people. Led astray by demagoguery, only his unruly troops temporarily disturb the general consensus. Throughout the narrative, Aemilius strives to educate the people around him: his sons and his peers, the Roman citizens and soldiers, foreign peoples and leaders. While many of these features can also be found in the historical tradition beyond Plutarch, the biographer adapts and reinforces them to suit his own interests and objectives. The same applies to his representation of political life in the Middle Republic, which sometimes resembles a golden age of ancestral virtue and at other times bears the foul marks of decay and indiscipline. On either reading, Aemilius is the man to uphold and enforce the political and moral standards cherished by Plutarch as well as by the Roman tradition of &lt;i&gt;mos maiorum&lt;/i&gt;.
		</description>
	</item>
	<item>
		<title>La datazione dell&#039;&lt;i&gt;Epitoma rei militaris&lt;/i&gt; e la genesi dell&#039;esercito tardoromano</title>
		<author>poj@peeters-leuven.be</author>
		<guid>http://dx.doi.org/10.2143/AS.42.0.2172294</guid>
		<link>http://poj.peeters-leuven.be/content.php?url=article&amp;id=2172294</link>
		<pubDate>Tue, 16 Oct 2012 11:11:31 GMT</pubDate>
		<description>
			Dating the &lt;i&gt;Epitoma rei militaris&lt;/i&gt; and identifying the emperor the work is dedicated to form a lively topic that is still open to debate. Here the scholars of Late Antiquity will find a new approach to the issue. A systematic cross-check of the &lt;i&gt;Epitoma&lt;/i&gt; against other authors (mainly Ammianus Marcellinus and Mauricius), a careful examination of the iconographical sources and a thorough reading of the &lt;i&gt;Notitia Dignitatum Orientis&lt;/i&gt; bring evidence that infantry downgrade and cavalry rise were choices Theodosius I is to blame for, represented features specific to the Eastern army and mirrored changes made long before Vegetius. The whole of the analysis leads to ground-breaking results: the &lt;i&gt;Epitoma rei militaris&lt;/i&gt; was written about 435 in the Eastern Roman Empire and dedicated to Theodosius II. This hypothesis seems to match up with many points of the work.
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