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	<title>Ancient Society</title>
	<link>http://poj.peeters-leuven.be/content.php?url=journal&amp;journal_code=AS</link>
	<description>Recent articles</description>
	<item>
		<title>The Use and Abuse of Historians</title>
		<author>poj@peeters-leuven.be</author>
		<guid>http://dx.doi.org/10.2143/AS.39.0.2042603</guid>
		<link>http://poj.peeters-leuven.be/content.php?url=article&amp;id=2042603</link>
		<pubDate>Mon, 16 Nov 2009 12:03:12 GMT</pubDate>
		<description>
			Polybios’ Book XII provides crucial evidence concerning Timaios, the main object of Polybios’ scorn. Scholars have occasionally studied his specific attacks on Timaios but have tended to concern themselves with the question of whether the critique is justified. But since Timaios survives largely through the lens of Polybios, and Polybios uses Timaios for a very specific purpose — to show how &lt;i&gt;not&lt;/i&gt; to do history — an important matter for investigation is the methodological one of how we should go about using this evidence. An analysis of Polybios’ treatment of Timaios in Book XII, when compared to his statements elsewhere in the &lt;i&gt;Histories&lt;/i&gt;, highlights the distorting effect of Polybios’ polemic on the evidence for Timaios’ historiography. It also reveals that, despite his lengthy complaints, Polybios himself provides evidence that Timaios was a respected and successful historian as well as a careful and diligent researcher. My findings help bring out the methodological dangers inherent in the study of the fragmentary historians.
		</description>
	</item>
	<item>
		<title>Alessandro, Sparta e la guerra di vendetta contro i Persiani</title>
		<author>poj@peeters-leuven.be</author>
		<guid>http://dx.doi.org/10.2143/AS.39.0.2042604</guid>
		<link>http://poj.peeters-leuven.be/content.php?url=article&amp;id=2042604</link>
		<pubDate>Mon, 16 Nov 2009 12:05:07 GMT</pubDate>
		<description>
			Through the analysis of the inscription sent by Alexander to Athens concerning the plunder acquired after the battle at the Granicus River (Plut., &lt;i&gt;Alex.&lt;/i&gt; 16.17; Arr., &lt;i&gt;Anab.&lt;/i&gt; I 16.7), this paper endeavours to understand Alexander’s action and the text of the inscription, in which the king celebrates the victory won by him and the Greeks against the enemy, while leaving the Spartans out of the honour. The reasons for this choice should be linked to the ideological layout of Alexander’s expedition in Asia, considered a war of revenge against the Barbarians, and to the propagandistic aims of Callisthenes, the official historian of the expedition: the young Alexander underlines that he, without the Spartans, won the battle at the Granicus river, just as the Athenians, without the Spartans, won the battle of Marathon.
		</description>
	</item>
	<item>
		<title>&#039;Nectanébo-le-faucon&#039; et la dynastie lagide</title>
		<author>poj@peeters-leuven.be</author>
		<guid>http://dx.doi.org/10.2143/AS.39.0.2042605</guid>
		<link>http://poj.peeters-leuven.be/content.php?url=article&amp;id=2042605</link>
		<pubDate>Mon, 16 Nov 2009 12:06:15 GMT</pubDate>
		<description>
			The cult of Nectanebo II is well documented in the Ptolemaic period. As is clear from Egyptian source material, the clergy of his cult functioned continuously from the XXXth Dynasty to the end of the 3rd century BC at least. In the Alexander romance Nectanebo also appears as father of the conqueror. The present paper investigates the link between the memory of the king and the Ptolemaic royal cult.
		</description>
	</item>
	<item>
		<title>Greek Polytheophoric Names</title>
		<author>poj@peeters-leuven.be</author>
		<guid>http://dx.doi.org/10.2143/AS.39.0.2042606</guid>
		<link>http://poj.peeters-leuven.be/content.php?url=article&amp;id=2042606</link>
		<pubDate>Mon, 16 Nov 2009 12:10:54 GMT</pubDate>
		<description>
			Greek personal names joining the names of two deities (e.g. Hermeracles) have long been known to be characteristic of Roman Egypt, but have never been studied comprehensively. This article offers an overview of the formation, variety and distribution of these ‘polytheophoric’ names, an exploration of their relation to traditional Greek and Egyptian onomastic practice, and some remarks on their socio-religious significance. It emerges that such names were popular especially between the second and the fourth centuries, followed regional preferences, and reflect an elite milieu in the &lt;i&gt;metropoleis&lt;/i&gt; of Roman Egypt grounded in Hellenistic interpretations of Egyptian religion. A list of polytheophoric names preserved in documentary papyri and inscriptions (excluding names in -&amp;#940;&amp;#956;&amp;#956;&amp;#969;&amp;#957;) is appended.
		</description>
	</item>
	<item>
		<title>Les collecteurs de taxes à Jêmé d&#039;Auguste à Claude</title>
		<author>poj@peeters-leuven.be</author>
		<guid>http://dx.doi.org/10.2143/AS.39.0.2042607</guid>
		<link>http://poj.peeters-leuven.be/content.php?url=article&amp;id=2042607</link>
		<pubDate>Mon, 16 Nov 2009 12:13:41 GMT</pubDate>
		<description>
			Étude des collecteurs de taxes qui travaillaient pour la banque de Jêmé durant la première moitié du premier siècle de notre ère. La première partie dresse une liste des ostraca portant la mention de la formule «parmi les hommes de» (&lt;i&gt;&lt;u&gt;h&lt;/u&gt;n n3 rmt.w n&lt;/i&gt;) qui indique que le contribuable faisait partie d’un groupe qui payait ses impôts auprès d’une collecteur attitré. L’examen de ces documents permet d’isoler presque une vingtaine de noms de collecteurs et de mettre en relief la dualité de la documentation fiscale. Ainsi, à côté des reçus en bonne et due forme ont fleuri des reçus officieux liés à l’activité des collecteurs. Notamment, des ‘fantômes’ de reçus remis au contribuable lorsque le collecteur avait oublié le document officiel ainsi qu’une catégorie de pièces dans lesquelles le collecteur déclare avoir perçu le montant de l’impôt de la part du contribuable dont la fonction nous échappe. Ce dossier permet enfin d’établir une chronologie assez précise de la diffusion du grec dans l’administration fiscale de Haute Égypte: le dernier reçu démotique officiel est daté de 40, le dernier reçu officieux de 56/57.
		</description>
	</item>
	<item>
		<title>Der Begriff &amp;#954;&amp;#959;&amp;#955;&amp;#969;&amp;#957;(&amp;#949;)&amp;#953;&amp;#945; in den ägyptischen Papyri</title>
		<author>poj@peeters-leuven.be</author>
		<guid>http://dx.doi.org/10.2143/AS.39.0.2042608</guid>
		<link>http://poj.peeters-leuven.be/content.php?url=article&amp;id=2042608</link>
		<pubDate>Mon, 16 Nov 2009 12:16:14 GMT</pubDate>
		<description>
			While it is a known fact that no Roman &lt;i&gt;coloniae&lt;/i&gt;, i.e. self-governed cities of Roman law in which all citizens possessed Roman citizenship, were founded in Egypt, the term &lt;i&gt;colonia&lt;/i&gt; transcribed into Greek appears in several papyri of the Roman period. This paper discusses the relevant sources and tries to determine the reality behind the term. The author comes to the conclusion that the Egyptian &lt;i&gt;coloniae&lt;/i&gt; were veteran settlements. They do not seem to have been widespread. They possessed certain corporative rights, but no self-government. As such they are different from the known &lt;i&gt;coloniae&lt;/i&gt; in other provinces.
		</description>
	</item>
	<item>
		<title>Livia before Octavian</title>
		<author>poj@peeters-leuven.be</author>
		<guid>http://dx.doi.org/10.2143/AS.39.0.2042609</guid>
		<link>http://poj.peeters-leuven.be/content.php?url=article&amp;id=2042609</link>
		<pubDate>Mon, 16 Nov 2009 12:18:19 GMT</pubDate>
		<description>
			Continued interest in the role of women in antiquity and in the dynastic arrangements of the Julio-Claudian dynasty has focused considerable attention on the prominent figure of Livia Drusilla, wife of Augustus and mother of Tiberius. As a result, the importance of Livia in the ancient sources has also provided fertile ground for modern authors. Yet while Livia is a well-documented figure in her own right during the reigns of Augustus and Tiberius, most of what is known about the first twenty years of her life stems from her relationship with the two men who dominated her early and teenage years: her father, M. Livius Drusus Claudianus, and her first husband, Ti. Claudius Nero. From these men Livia derived social status and aristocratic connections that made marriage to her particularly attractive to Octavian. These connections, resulting from strategic adoptions and marriages, created family alliances that Livia maintained and which help explain the rise of certain families early in the principate of Augustus.
		</description>
	</item>
	<item>
		<title>Glimpses of Vertical Integration/Disintegration in Ancient Rome</title>
		<author>poj@peeters-leuven.be</author>
		<guid>http://dx.doi.org/10.2143/AS.39.0.2042610</guid>
		<link>http://poj.peeters-leuven.be/content.php?url=article&amp;id=2042610</link>
		<pubDate>Mon, 16 Nov 2009 12:19:21 GMT</pubDate>
		<description>
			Light is cast on Roman industrial structures by considering literary, archaeological and monumental evidence for Eurysaces (bread), the Sestii (wine) and the Secundinii (textiles). We become aware of both vertically integrated and vertically disintegrated enterprises.
		</description>
	</item>
	<item>
		<title>Hermas&#039; &#039;Biography&#039;</title>
		<author>poj@peeters-leuven.be</author>
		<guid>http://dx.doi.org/10.2143/AS.39.0.2042611</guid>
		<link>http://poj.peeters-leuven.be/content.php?url=article&amp;id=2042611</link>
		<pubDate>Mon, 16 Nov 2009 12:20:59 GMT</pubDate>
		<description>
			The ‘biography’ of Hermas, which can be extracted from the &lt;i&gt;Shepherd of Hermas&lt;/i&gt;, an early Christian apocalyptic text, provides a fine example of a freedman who climbed up the social ladder as he became rich. With him we have the rare chance to study social upward and also downward mobility of freedmen in an individual case. Likewise Hermas may serve as an individual example for the category of &#039;independent freedmen&#039;, who acted independently from their former master.
		</description>
	</item>
	<item>
		<title>Encroachment in the Eastern Mediterranean between the Fourth and the Seventh Century AD</title>
		<author>poj@peeters-leuven.be</author>
		<guid>http://dx.doi.org/10.2143/AS.39.0.2042612</guid>
		<link>http://poj.peeters-leuven.be/content.php?url=article&amp;id=2042612</link>
		<pubDate>Mon, 16 Nov 2009 12:22:15 GMT</pubDate>
		<description>
			Encroachment, or the usurpation of public space by secondary structures, is nowadays often considered indicative of economic prosperity. This opinion is largely based on laws and literary sources, whereas many archaeological remains are still categorised as the houses of squatters. This article considers mainly archaeological sources which show the evolution of encroachment throughout Late Antiquity. An overview of its topographical settings within the city and its connection to other buildings is offered, together with an assessment of its appearance and function. These elements are then used to establish the degree of public involvement in its construction and to explain the chronological and topographical spread of encroachment.
		</description>
	</item>
	<item>
		<title>Isiaca and Aegyptiaca de l&#039;Antiquité tardive et du Haut Moyen Âge</title>
		<author>poj@peeters-leuven.be</author>
		<guid>http://dx.doi.org/10.2143/AS.39.0.2042613</guid>
		<link>http://poj.peeters-leuven.be/content.php?url=article&amp;id=2042613</link>
		<pubDate>Mon, 16 Nov 2009 12:28:34 GMT</pubDate>
		<description>
			A plusieurs reprises, des objets en relation avec les cultes isiaques (&lt;i&gt;isiaca&lt;/i&gt;) ou avec l’Égypte (&lt;i&gt;aegyptiaca&lt;/i&gt;) ont été retrouvés dans un contexte de l’Antiquité tardive ou du Haut Moyen Âge. Que penser de ces découvertes? Pour tenter de répondre à cette question, nous avons essayé de recenser ces différents documents et de les regrouper en plusieurs catégories.
La première concerne les objets découverts dans des tombes mérovingiennes ou considérées comme telles. Le plus souvent, le contexte exact de leur découverte manque de fiabilité, notamment à cause de l’absence de stratigraphie car ces fouilles furent, pour la plupart, effectuées au XIXe siècle. Il paraît difficile d’attribuer à ces &lt;i&gt;aegyptiaca&lt;/i&gt; un rôle religieux véritable, à quelques exceptions près.
La deuxième catégorie rassemble des &lt;i&gt;isiaca&lt;/i&gt; retrouvés dans des fondations d’églises ou à proximité immédiate de celles-ci. Il est tentant d’y voir la continuité de l’occupation de l’espace sacré, sans doute par la volonté de la nouvelle religion de christianiser un lieu païen mais, là encore, le manque de précision dans la mention des découvertes pose problème.
Enfin, un dernier ensemble regroupe les &lt;i&gt;isiaca&lt;/i&gt; réutilisés dans ces mêmes édifices religieux, que ce soit dans les murs, pour les chapiteaux ou la statuaire.
En résumé, il semble difficile d’affirmer que les cultes isiaques ont survécu longtemps parmi les habitants de la fin de l’Antiquité tardive et du Haut Moyen Âge. Tout au plus peut-on constater que des &lt;i&gt;aegyptiaca&lt;/i&gt; ou &lt;i&gt;isiaca&lt;/i&gt; ont été réutilisés dans un but talismanique chez certains, esthétique pour d’autres, utilitaire pour les derniers.
		</description>
	</item>
	<item>
		<title>Divine Mission and Human Destiny</title>
		<author>poj@peeters-leuven.be</author>
		<guid>http://dx.doi.org/10.2143/AS.39.0.2042614</guid>
		<link>http://poj.peeters-leuven.be/content.php?url=article&amp;id=2042614</link>
		<pubDate>Mon, 16 Nov 2009 12:30:07 GMT</pubDate>
		<description>
			Written on the occasion of the 50th anniversary of the publication of Maurice Druon’s historical novel on Alexander the Great (1958), the present article aims at putting this literary product in its historical context: the personal and familial background and literary career of the famous French novelist (1918-2009), the social and ideological shifts of the late 1950s, other contemporary Alexander novels like those of Roger Peyrefitte and Julien Tondriau. Having stated the value and impact of high-quality historical novels in general, the article analyzes the proper qualities and basic ideas of Druon’s narrative, which presents itself as the diary of Alexander’s main seer Aristandros. Inspired in part by certain ‘egyptosophic’ currents, the author tries to detect a global, basically religious, sense in history. Interpreted as one of the great ‘divine bastards’ of humankind, the Macedonian king is credited with a providential rôle. The study concludes with a rudimentary attempt to confront some aspects of Drion’s seductive views with Alexander’s own ideas and historical reality.
		</description>
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